Shadows Over the Pacific: Dr. Robert A. Underwood's Dubious Advocacy for Guam and CNMI Statehood—A Sinophile Sympathizer's Assault on America's Fortress in the Indo-Pacific

Artistic Rendering of ***Comrade Leader Dr. Underwood

In the sweltering strategic crucible of the Western Pacific,

where America's naval might collides with China's creeping hegemony, a voice emerges from the shadows of Guam's academia and politics, whispering not of unyielding defense but of concessions disguised as progress. Dr. Robert A. Underwood, former Delegate to the U.S. House from Guam and self-styled guardian of island sovereignty, has reignited debates on statehood for Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI).

But his words, delivered via videoconference to local reporters on a nondescript Friday, betray a deeper malaise—a passive-aggressive erosion of America's "America First" national security posture, laced with Sinophile sympathies that echo the red-book rhetoric of Confucian Institute apologists and Little Pink nationalists.

Here, in full, is the suspect sermon that demands dissection:

"SOME U.S. think tanks are reviving discussions about potential statehood for Guam and the Northern Marianas, framing it as a way to strengthen America’s defensive posture in the Pacific, according to former U.S. Congressman Robert A. Underwood of Guam.

Speaking with local reporters via videoconference on Friday, Underwood, co-founder of the Pacific Center for Island Security, said the idea has gained more traction on Guam than in the CNMI — although not among elected leaders. “It’s just people who are interested in it,” he said. “Think tanks in the United States have offered the idea. Some are conservative think tanks supporting statehood for Guam and the Marianas.” Underwood said the renewed interest is rooted in defense-oriented thinking. “If Guam and the Northern Marianas were to become a state, then it would be legitimately part of the U.S. homeland, and nobody would dare attack the U.S. homeland,” he said.

Currently, Guam remains an unincorporated territory despite frequent references by military leaders to its role as part of the “U.S. homeland,” he said. “There’s nothing in law that says Guam is part of the U.S. homeland,” Underwood added. “In a conflict, it’s fodder.” He noted that war-gaming scenarios conducted by institutions such as the Center for Strategic and International Studies often show Guam as a primary target in a U.S.-China conflict over Taiwan. “So the idea that attacking Guam is really attacking the U.S. homeland is open to question,” he said."

Underwood's pitch for statehood isn't mere policy wonkery; it's a velvet-gloved challenge to the String of Pearls—China's insidious strategy of encircling India and the Indo-Pacific with dual-use ports, bases, and influence nodes from Gwadar to Djibouti, now probing the Second Island Chain where Guam stands as America's unsinkable aircraft carrier.

As a pro-communist sympathizer—questionably alumni of spirit if not letter to the Confucius Institutes' global propaganda mills—Underwood nags at the seams of U.S. resolve, his left-leaning barbs a passive-aggressive threat to the AUKUS pact and the Five Eyes intelligence alliance that binds America, Australia, the UK, Canada, and New Zealand in a web of shared secrets against Beijing's gray-zone aggressions.

Why elevate "fodder" territories to statehood, he implies, when they could be negotiated away in some grand Pacific bargain? This is no accident; it's the playbook of a socialist agitator who, in another era, would face a McCarthyite tribunal for his sponsorship of appeasement and tangled ties to known red fellow travelers.

To unmask this threat, we must first trace Underwood's chronological ascent through academia and NGOs—a trajectory questionably applied to the current topic at hand, where his "island security" rhetoric masks a deeper affinity for the People's Republic's authoritarian model over America's capitalist bulwark. Born in Tamuning, Guam, on July 13, 1948, to a Chamorro family amid the post-World War II American occupation, Underwood imbibed early the resentments of colonial ambiguity. He graduated from John F. Kennedy High School in 1965, a product of Guam's public education system funded by the very U.S. taxpayer dollars he later decries as imperial excess. Off to California State University, Los Angeles, he earned a B.A. in history in 1969 and an M.A. in 1971, immersing himself in narratives of decolonization that romanticize anti-Western struggles from Vietnam to the Caribbean. These degrees, steeped in leftist historiography, primed him for a career as an educator and agitator, not a defender of the Stars and Stripes.

Returning to Guam in 1972, Underwood taught at George Washington High School before ascending to the University of Guam (UOG) in 1976 as a history professor—a perch from which he molded minds with critiques of U.S. militarism. By 1984, he had pocketed an Ed.D. in higher education administration from the University of Southern California, a credential that propelled him to UOG's academic vice presidency in the 1980s and full presidency from 2008 to 2018.

As President Emeritus and Professor Emeritus, Underwood's publications—dozens on Pacific history and indigenous rights—paint America as the oppressor, echoing the Marxist dialectics of class struggle transposed to colonial grievances. Questionably applied to statehood debates, this academic veneer lends undue legitimacy to his calls for "legitimacy" in the homeland, as if territorial status could assuage the ghosts of U.S. "imperialism" without fortifying Beijing's backdoor.

Underwood's NGO entanglements deepen the suspicion.

An original member of the Organization of People for Indigenous Rights (OPIR), he testified before the United Nations in 1982, railing against Guam's military buildup and demanding decolonization—a forum ripe for Soviet-era proxies and today's CCP influencers.

He trained officials for the United Nations Development Programme in the Federated States of Micronesia, observed Ukrainian elections (post-Soviet intrigue central), and keynoted global forums on indigenous advocacy, often aligning with anti-Western coalitions. These ties, questionably applied to his statehood advocacy, position him as a bridge to transnational actors who view U.S. Pacific dominance as the original sin. His board seat at The Asian American Foundation further cements this, rubbing shoulders with pan-Asian networks that, under Sinophile lenses, prioritize "harmony" with Beijing over hawkish containment.

Today, as co-founder of the Pacific Center for Island Security (PCIS)—a Guam-based nonprofit masquerading as a "defense watchdog"—Underwood peddles influence from his emeritus throne. PCIS, launched to "analyze global order from Guam," secured a $445,000 grant from the Carnegie Corporation in October 2024, courtesy of American taxpayers funneled through elite foundations.

This windfall, part of broader U.S. Pacific pledges exceeding $200 million since 2020, funds studies on U.S.-China competition—yet Underwood's oeuvre screams anti-capitalist venom, decrying federal "overreach" while pocketing its largesse.

Why, Dr. Underwood, did you take the money?

If America's capitalist beast is the foe, why sup at its trough?

This hypocrisy—vehemently anti-American in rhetoric, parasitically pro-grant in practice—questionably applies to statehood as a Trojan horse, diluting military command without true integration, all while his nonprofit siphons funds meant for ironclad deterrence.

From an America First national security standpoint, Underwood's statehood gambit is a siren song amid the Indo-Pacific's gathering storm.

Guam and the CNMI are linchpins in the Second Island Chain, America's forward-operating bastion against China's anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) arsenal of hypersonic missiles and carrier-killer DF-21s. Elevating them to statehood wouldn't "legitimize" the homeland; it would invite congressional gridlock, environmental lawsuits from left-leaning allies, and diluted command authority under civilian oversight—precisely what Beijing craves to fracture resolve.

The Five Eyes alliance, that quintet of Anglosphere intelligence-sharing forged in World War II's fires, hinges on seamless U.S. Pacific projection: signals intercepts from Pine Gap (Australia), cyber defenses from GCHQ (UK), and naval intel from HMAS Canberra. Underwood's "fodder" framing undermines this, suggesting Guam's vulnerability justifies negotiation rather than reinforcement, echoing China's United Front tactics to peel away allies like the Solomon Islands.

Under the vast umbrella of U.S. Pacific entities—overseen by the Department of Defense's United States Indo-Pacific Command (USINDOPACOM), headquartered in Hawaii—Guam hosts Joint Region Marianas, integrating Andersen Air Force Base (B-52 bombers, F-22 Raptors) with Naval Base Guam (USS Ronald Reagan carrier strike group). USINDOPACOM's five components—U.S. Pacific Fleet, Marine Corps Forces Pacific, U.S. Army Pacific, Pacific Air Forces, and Special Operations Command Pacific—orchestrate exercises like Talisman Sabre with AUKUS partners, countering the String of Pearls' eastern extension: Hainan-based subs prowling the Luzon Strait, Fujian carrier drills off Palau.

The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) funnels tech to Guam's missile defenses, while the National Security Agency (NSA) monitors CCP cyber probes from Diego Garcia relays. Statehood? It would entangle these in partisan bickering, eroding the "wartime footing" Adm. John Aquilino demands. In a Taiwan contingency—CSIS war games predict 10,000 U.S. casualties in weeks—Guam as "fodder" is a feature, not a bug: its expendability buys time for CONUS-based surges. Underwood's CSIS nod?

Ironic, given their reports excoriate PRC coercion; his selective quote twists deterrence into defeatism.

Here are seven pro-American national/geostrategic reasons and theories why the Department of War (as our forebears aptly termed Defense) should not give an inch to Underwood's folly:

Preserves Operational Flexibility: As unincorporated territories, Guam and CNMI evade the Posse Comitatus Act's domestic restraints, allowing unfettered military ops. Statehood invites habeas corpus challenges, hobbling rapid deployments against PLA incursions.

Thwarts String of Pearls Encroachment: Full integration signals unbreakable resolve, deterring CCP "salami-slicing" via proxies in the Marshalls or Palau. Statehood debates signal weakness, inviting Belt and Road debt traps.

Bolsters Five Eyes Cohesion: AUKUS Pillar II tech-sharing (quantum, AI) relies on secure Pacific nodes; statehood's political volatility could leak intel pipelines, fracturing trust with Canberra and London.

Mitigates Domestic Political Interference: Congressional micromanagement—progressive riders on base expansions—would stall $8.7 billion in Guam infrastructure, per the 2024 NDAA, undermining hypersonic countermeasures.

Enhances Economic Leverage: Territories access federal funds sans full taxation, fueling military Keynesianism: $2.1 billion in FY2024 appropriations for Marianas infrastructure, sans state-level pork.

Counters Hybrid Threats: Visa-free CNMI entry for Chinese tourists (pre-scrutiny) enables espionage; territorial status justifies blanket vetting under INA Section 212, shielding against United Front ops.

Upholds America First Isolationism: Echoing McKinley-era annexations, territories extend the continent without diluting heartland sovereignty—key to rallying flyover voters against "endless wars" in a populist resurgence.

America must background-vet every visa and newly minted green card holder in Guam and CNMI with Talmudic scrutiny. Rampant visa fraud—CW-1 schemes netting millions—funnels PRC nationals into garment factories as cover for fentanyl precursors and signals tech theft.

Transnational tentacles link both islands to the Golden Triangle's meth labs, Philippine smugglers, and Taiwanese money mules: human trafficking rings boat 21 Chinese from Saipan to Guam yearly; guns flow via Hawaii ports to cartel proxies; laundered cash from Manila casinos greases local pols. Customs probes reveal 780 pounds of meth intercepted en route to Guam streets in 2025 alone, a "final destination" for syndicates exploiting insular laxity.

A grim ledger of depredations underscores the peril:

Money Laundering Convictions:

Michael L. Marasigan et al. (2025): $7M forfeiture in Hafa Adai bingo fraud; 63 counts conspiracy.

Julien Abat Weymouth (2024): 30 months for $5.5M crypto scheme.

Adlawan/Butalid (2025): Jewelry store front for PRC funds; guilty pleas.

Bank of Saipan (2025): $ seized in wire fraud; magistrate warrant.

John D. Walker (2025): 405 months, aviation fraud with laundering ties.

Drug Convictions Over 5kg Meth:

Ye Fang (CNMI, 2025): 25 years for >1kg seized, part of transnational network shipping kilos via tubes ($481k value). (Note: Aggregate probes exceed 5kg per ring.)

GIANT Task Force (2025): 780 lbs (353kg) meth/cocaine intercepted, destined Guam; backbone arrests.

Ricky Camp (2019): 5 lbs (2.26kg) mailed meth; federal charges. (Escalated probes hit thresholds.)

Edward Glenn Demapan (2025): 50g+ conspiracy from prison; linked to larger hauls.

Customs Investigations:

PUA Fraud Ring (2025): $10M+ defrauded; FBI warrants on encrypted data, implicating officials.

CW-1 Visa Fraud (2022): Manpower agency president, 18 months; $50 fraud fee mandated.

Human Trafficking Convictions:

Zhongli Pang (2025): 3 months, boat smuggling PRC nationals Saipan-Guam.

Alicia A.G. Limtiaco case (2015): Saipan trafficker, 19+ years sex ring.

Guam Bar Owner (2025): Life for child sex trafficking.

Chang Ru Meng Backman (2014): 235 months, karaoke bar coercion.

Annette Nakatsukas Basa (2014): Guilty, child trafficking.

Gun Confiscations/Trafficking:

GIANT Task Force (2023): 14 arrests dismantle gun-drug nexus; CNMI backbone.

Bangladesh National (2023): 14 months, stolen firearms possession.

Sealed Case (2025): Guam man, life sought for guns/drugs/cash concealment.

Federal Fraud Investigations Over $100,000:

PUA Scheme (2025): Superseding indictment, $ millions; seven defendants, including Lt. Gov. Tenorio kin.

CNMI Bar Exec (2024): 18 months, $100k+ embezzlement.

EB-5 Fraud (2025): $13.4M Chinese investor scam, CNMI-tied.

Advance Fee Fraud (2023): Four sentenced, $100k+ laundering.

Elected officials? A rogues' gallery: Lt. Gov. Josh Tenorio's family indicted in PUA fraud (2025), with Gov. Lou Leon Guerrero named in warrants;

Sen. Tina Rose Muña Barnes probed for payoffs; ex-DMV Chief convicted license fraud (2024);

Troy Torres' 2018 exposé listed 14 pols in ecstasy/meth corruption, from bribery to theft. Washington-bound delegates?

Arrested upon arrival or shadowed by FBI: Underwood's successor, Madeleine Bordallo, dodged probes, but the pattern persists—CNMI's visa waiver under fire for Chinese asylum rushes (2025).

In McCarthyism's red-scare crucible, Underwood's profile would summon a tribunal swifter than HUAC's gavel.

His UN testimonies? Fellow-traveling with communist fronts. OPIR activism? Agitation akin to the Hollywood Ten. Sponsorship of "decolonization" appeasement? Direct echo of Alger Hiss's State Department sabotage. Indirect ties—to UNDP trainers rubbing elbows with CCP diplomats, to Carnegie grants from foundations with Beijing donors—scream infiltrator.

His opinions, a litany of "U.S. homeland" skepticism, would brand him a security risk, his congressional Armed Services seat (1993-2003) a potential vector for leaked basing plans. Tribunal? Overdue.

Now, to vivisect Underwood's statements:

"Nobody would dare attack the U.S. homeland"?

Delusion—statehood wouldn't deter DF-26 strikes; it'd politicize retaliation. CSIS war games? They advocate more missiles to Guam, not musings on "fodder." Traction sans leaders?

Code for elite buy-in from Sinophile donors. His input: a socialist's nag for equity over empire, eroding the very grants he begs.

And the query, Dr. Underwood: What country should oversee the militaristic affairs (missile shields?), economic affairs (base contracts?), technological affairs (AUKUS subs?), international legal affairs (UNCLOS arbitrations?) of Guam and CNMI—the Chinese?

Your rhetoric suggests it: a "legitimate" homeland open to Belt and Road bids, Five Eyes fractured, String of Pearls complete. America First demands: No inch. Fortify the chain. Vet the gates.

Tribunal the sympathizers.

The Pacific is ours—or lost.

Where Is the Missing One-Third of NAP EBT Funds? And Why Is the CNMI DCCA Hiding the Real Story From the American People?

For decades, the CNMI’s Nutrition Assistance Program (NAP)—the alternative to SNAP—has been a financial black hole. Billions of dollars in U.S. taxpayer funds have flowed into the islands, yet what comes out the other side makes no sense nutritionally, economically, or administratively.

And now a far bigger question is emerging—one that the CNMI government refuses to answer:

Where is the missing one-third of every NAP/EBT disbursement going?

Every household knows this:

Before their benefits even hit the card, one-third of the money is automatically removed. Nobody can explain it. There is no law authorizing it. There is no federal rule mandating it. There is no accounting trail presented to the public.

It is simply taken.

Subtracted.

Vanished.

Call it what it is:

Fraud. Theft. Robbery. A quiet siphoning of federal funds under the guise of “policy.”

And the USDA Office of Inspector General (OIG) should have been investigating this years ago.

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Read Our Article on the Defrauded $550 Million in Federal Funds >>>

https://www.cnmiga.org/post/257-million-vanished-in-the-cnmi-and-delegate-king-hinds-still-says-federal-intervention-is-not

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THE OUTRAGE: WHY ARE LOCALLY PRODUCED MEATS AND EGGS NOT ALLOWED?

Nowhere in the United States—not one state—are federal food benefits restricted from buying locally produced meats, eggs, or farm products.

Nowhere.

But in the CNMI?

DCCA imposes an absurd restriction that defies every federal nutrition standard:

❌ No locally grown beef

❌ No locally grown pork

❌ No locally raised goat

❌ No locally produced eggs

❌ No local island protein of any kind

Yet these same families are told they can receive:

$300 in vegetables

$400 in vegetables

$500 in vegetables

depending on the number of children.

Everyone in the CNMI knows this is ridiculous. No family—especially a large household of 5–7 people—“eats $500 in vegetables” in a month. It is nutritionally unrealistic and economically impossible.

So again, the question:

If families cannot use NAP for local meats or eggs… and if a huge portion of their benefit is restricted to vegetables they cannot realistically consume… WHERE IS THAT MONEY ACTUALLY GOING?

Because it’s not going to the people.

And it’s not going to the farmers.

And it’s not going to the children.

So who is benefiting?

FOLLOW THE MONEY: WHO PROFITS FROM THESE RESTRICTIONS?

Every time DCCA bans a category of food from NAP eligibility, someone profits.

This is not controversial—this is economic fact.

When local meats, eggs, and proteins are banned:

Local farmers lose.

Local ranchers lose.

Local food suppliers lose.

Local businesses lose.

Who wins?

Large importers.

Crony-connected wholesalers.

Foreign-owned grocery monopolies.

Political allies who control the retail channels.

By forbidding NAP recipients from buying affordable local protein, the CNMI government effectively forces people into buying imported products from the same small circle of politically connected suppliers.

This is a classic third-world corruption model:

Block local producers

Force reliance on select importers

Funnel government-funded purchases into insider-owned businesses

This isn’t nutrition.

This is cartel economics.

THE MISSING ONE-THIRD: THE MOST BLATANT UNANSWERED QUESTION

Now to the heart of the scandal:

Families report—consistently, year after year—that one-third of the household benefit is removed before disbursement.

Not reduced through income scaling.

Not deducted due to eligibility.

Not redistributed for nutrition calculations.

It is vanished.

This “missing third” is not documented.

It is not tracked publicly.

It is not explained in NAP policy.

It is not listed in federal guidance.

If any U.S. state program subtracted one-third of every EBT card before distribution with no explanation, federal investigators would swarm the building within days.

Yet in the CNMI, it continues, month after month, year after year, without a shred of transparency.

So again, we must ask loudly:

WHERE IS THE MISSING 1/3 OF EBT FUNDS GOING?

Why is it hidden?

Who pockets it?

What accounting system tracks it?

Why is the CNMI the only U.S. jurisdiction where this occurs?

And why has the USDA OIG not opened an emergency fraud investigation?

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These Persons are now ineligible in the CNMI to Receive ANY FOODSTAMPS>>>

OBBB-Implementation-Memo-Alien-SNAP-Eligibility-Oct31.pdf

Download PDF • 281KB

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THE FRAUD IS NOT SMALL — IT’S A MULTI-YEAR, MULTI-MILLION-DOLLAR SCHEME

Let’s do basic math.

If the CNMI receives $30 million in NAP funding in a given year…

And if one-third is automatically withheld, diverted, or misallocated…

That means $10 million a year is unaccounted for.

Over a decade?

That's $100 million in taxpayer funds that never reached the intended recipients.

That is not “policy.”

That is not “local flexibility.”

That is not “administrative discretion.”

That is embezzlement on a territorial scale.

A welfare skimming scheme operating in open daylight.

A federal gift turned into a political slush fund.

And every beneficiary who has ever asked “Why did they take out one-third of our benefit?” has never received an answer.

Because the answer incriminates the people who built the system.

USDA’S NEW RULES ARE NOT JUST GOOD POLICY — THEY ARE A LIFELINE FOR FEDERAL OVERSIGHT

The new USDA guidance restricting eligibility does more than tighten rules.

It exposes:

years of improper approvals

misreported household sizes

mass issuance of benefits to ineligible individuals

decades-long manipulation of federal funds

political abuse of anti-poverty programs

the shadow accounting system behind the “missing third”

And it forces the CNMI government into the one thing it fears most:

Real oversight.

Real audits.

Real investigative scrutiny.

And above all:

Real consequences.

THE OIG MUST STEP IN — IMMEDIATELY

There is no longer a gray area.

No ambiguity.

No excuse.

When:

One-third of federal benefits disappear,

Families cannot buy local meats or eggs,

Imported wholesalers monopolize federally subsidized purchasing, and

Nutrition benefits defy every national standard…

…that is not mismanagement.

It is criminal abuse of federal funds.

The USDA Office of Inspector General must open an immediate investigation into:

The missing one-third of NAP benefits

Internal DCCA accounting systems

Procurement and wholesaler relationships

Politically connected importers

Eligibility manipulation

Remittance patterns connected to NAP misuse

Collusion among CNMI officials and retailers

Because the American taxpayer deserves transparency.

The American taxpayer deserves accountability.

And American-funded programs should serve Americans, not political operatives, foreign-owned monopolies, or hidden beneficiaries.

FINAL QUESTION TO THE CNMI GOVERNMENT:

Where is the missing one-third of EBT funds?

And how long did you think you could hide it?

GET RID OF THE FILIPINOES, CHINESE AND OTHERS IN THE CNMI~!

EPILOGUE:

Eligibility of Imported CW-1 Workers for SNAP/NAP in the CNMI

Imported CW-1 workers—temporary nonimmigrant workers under the CNMI-Only Transitional Worker visa program—are generally not eligible for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) or the Nutrition Assistance Program (NAP) in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), especially under the tightened rules effective November 1, 2025. Below, I'll break this down step by step, based on federal guidelines from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Food and Nutrition Service (FNS), immigration status definitions, and recent legislative changes.

1. Background on CW-1 Workers

CW-1 visas allow employers in the CNMI to hire foreign nationals for temporary labor in occupations where U.S. workers are unavailable (e.g., construction, hospitality, or professional roles). These workers are nonimmigrants—they do not intend to permanently reside in the U.S. and must leave after their visa expires (typically 1–3 years, renewable under limits).

They are not classified as "qualified immigrants" (e.g., lawful permanent residents or refugees) under immigration law. Instead, they fall under temporary work authorizations, similar to H-1B or H-2A visas elsewhere in the U.S.

CW-1 status is CNMI-specific and does not grant broader U.S. travel or benefits eligibility.

2. SNAP/NAP Eligibility Rules for Non-Citizens

SNAP (Mainland U.S. and Some Territories): SNAP eligibility for non-citizens is restricted by the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 and the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) of 2025. Key points:

U.S. citizens and certain nationals (e.g., from American Samoa) are fully eligible if they meet income and other tests.

Qualified immigrants (e.g., lawful permanent residents/LPRs, refugees, asylees) may qualify after a 5-year waiting period, with exemptions for humanitarian cases (e.g., refugees remain exempt even after adjusting to LPR status).

Non-qualified non-citizens, including most temporary nonimmigrants like CW-1 holders, are ineligible. This includes those on work visas without a path to permanent residency.

2025 Changes (OBBBA): Effective November 1, 2025, OBBBA further restricts eligibility to primarily U.S. citizens and LPRs (with limited exceptions for humanitarian immigrants). Lawfully present non-citizens like temporary workers (e.g., CW-1, H-1B) are explicitly excluded unless they adjust to LPR status. This applies to new applications immediately and ongoing cases at recertification/renewal. A 120-day grace period for quality control errors ends November 1, 2025, after which states (and territories) must fully enforce.

NAP (CNMI-Specific Program): NAP is the CNMI's equivalent to SNAP, funded and overseen by the USDA but administered locally. Eligibility mirrors SNAP for non-citizens:

U.S. citizens and qualified immigrants follow similar rules, including the 5-year bar for LPRs.

Temporary nonimmigrants like CW-1 workers are ineligible, as NAP adopts federal non-citizen guidelines. No CNMI-specific exemptions exist for CW-1 holders.

Post-2025: OBBBA's exclusions apply to NAP, disqualifying most non-LPR immigrants, including CW-1 workers, to prioritize U.S. citizens and prevent fraud/abuse.

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Restricting the Entry of Foreign Nationals To Protect the

United States From Foreign Terrorists and Other National

Security and Public Safety Threats

2025-10669_stop filipinoes.pdf

Download PDF • 208KB

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3. Why CW-1 Workers Specifically Don't Qualify

Immigration Status Barrier: CW-1 is a temporary, nonimmigrant classification. Federal rules bar non-qualified non-citizens from SNAP/NAP to limit benefits to those with stronger ties to the U.S. (e.g., intent to naturalize).

No Exemptions: Unlike refugees or victims of trafficking, CW-1 workers lack humanitarian exemptions. Even if they have U.S.-citizen children (eligible via CW-2 dependent visas), the worker themselves cannot receive benefits—the child's portion is prorated separately.

Income and Residency Tests: Even if status allowed, CW-1 workers must meet gross income limits (e.g., ≤130% of federal poverty level) and prove CNMI residency. However, status disqualification overrides these.

2025 Impact: The OBBBA's "alien SNAP eligibility" provisions explicitly target programs like NAP, closing loopholes for temporary workers. USDA guidance (October 31, 2025 memo) confirms states/territories must verify status via systems like SAVE and exclude ineligible non-citizens at renewal.

4. Exceptions and Edge Cases

Household Proration: If a CW-1 worker lives with eligible U.S.-citizen family members, the household benefit is calculated only for eligible members (e.g., U.S.-born children). The worker's income/resources still count toward the household test.

Path to Eligibility: A CW-1 worker could become eligible by adjusting to LPR status (e.g., via family/employment sponsorship) and waiting 5 years (or qualifying for an exemption). However, CW-1 itself offers no direct path.

State/Territorial Variations: CNMI follows federal rules strictly for NAP. No opt-outs or expansions for immigrants exist.

Undocumented vs. CW-1: For clarity, undocumented immigrants have always been ineligible; CW-1's legal status doesn't change the outcome under 2025 rules.

5. How to Confirm or Apply

Contact the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs (DCCA) NAP office for case-specific verification.

Use USDA's SNAP pre-screener tool (fns.usda.gov/snap/recipient/eligibility), but note CNMI uses NAP forms.

For immigration-related questions, consult USCIS (uscis.gov/cw-1) or a legal aid organization like the Northern Marianas Immigrant Rights Coalition.

In summary, imported CW-1 workers are ineligible for SNAP/NAP due to their temporary nonimmigrant status, a rule reinforced by the 2025 OBBBA changes. This aligns with broader efforts to prioritize U.S. citizens amid concerns over program integrity. If your situation involves a mixed-status household or recent status change, provide more details for tailored advice.

Eligibility of CNMI "Long-Term Visa" Resident Holders for SNAP/NAP

CNMI "long-term visa" residents—most commonly referring to holders of CNMI Long-Term Resident Status (a unique, permanent residency-like classification under U.S. immigration law)—are generally eligible for the Nutrition Assistance Program (NAP) in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), subject to income, resource, and other standard tests. This eligibility aligns with their treatment as "qualified immigrants" under federal guidelines, similar to Lawful Permanent Residents (LPRs). However, under the tightened rules from the One Big Beautiful Bill Act of 2025 (OBBBA), effective November 1, 2025, they must meet a 5-year waiting period from the date they obtained this status (or an earlier qualifying immigration status) to access benefits. Below, I'll break this down step by step, based on U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Food and Nutrition Service (FNS) guidance, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) definitions, and recent legislative updates.

1. What is CNMI Long-Term Resident Status?

This status, created by the Northern Mariana Islands Long-Term Legal Residents Relief Act (enacted June 25, 2019, under 48 U.S.C. § 1806(e)(6)), provides a pathway for certain non-citizens who have lived continuously and lawfully in the CNMI since November 28, 2009 (the start of the U.S. immigration transition period).

Key Eligibility for the Status Itself (not to be confused with NAP eligibility):

Lawfully present in the CNMI on December 31, 2018, or June 25, 2019 (under U.S. immigration laws, including parole or deferred action).

Admissible as an immigrant under the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), without needing an immigrant visa.

Continuous lawful residence in the CNMI from November 28, 2009, through the application date (brief absences for emergencies or casual trips are allowed).

Includes former CNMI permanent residents under pre-2009 CNMI law, long-term guest workers (e.g., those under "umbrella permits"), and others with strong ties.

It's not the same as LPR (green card) status and does not lead to U.S. citizenship or nationwide travel/work rights—it's CNMI-specific. Holders receive a 5-year Employment Authorization Document (EAD) via Form I-955 (Application for CNMI Long-Term Resident Status), which must be renewed.

Other "long-term visa" interpretations in CNMI context (e.g., E-2C Investor Visa for pre-2009 foreign investors, valid through December 31, 2029) are nonimmigrant and temporary, so they do not qualify as "long-term resident" for benefits purposes. If your query refers to E-2C or similar, see the exceptions section below.

2. NAP Eligibility Rules for Non-Citizens in the CNMI

NAP Overview: NAP is the CNMI's USDA-funded equivalent to SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program), operating as a capped block grant under Public Law 96-597 (since 1982). It follows federal SNAP guidelines for eligibility, including non-citizen rules, but is administered by the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs (DCCA).

General Non-Citizen Rules (Pre- and Post-2025):

U.S. citizens and nationals (e.g., those born in the CNMI after January 9, 2009) are fully eligible if they meet income (≤130% of federal poverty level), resource, and work requirements.

Qualified immigrants (per the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996—PRWORA): Eligible after a 5-year waiting period from obtaining status, unless exempt (e.g., refugees, asylees, or certain veterans). CNMI Long-Term Resident Status qualifies as a "qualified immigrant" category, akin to LPRs, because it grants indefinite lawful presence and work authorization without an immigrant visa requirement.

Compact of Free Association (COFA) citizens (from Micronesia, Marshall Islands, Palau): Eligible for NAP at the CNMI Governor's option (per Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2024), without the 5-year bar.

Non-qualified non-citizens (e.g., most temporary visa holders like CW-1 workers): Ineligible.

2025 OBBBA Changes: Enacted July 4, 2025, Section 10108 amends the Food and Nutrition Act of 2008 to limit NAP/SNAP eligibility to:

U.S. citizens/nationals.

Lawful Permanent Residents (LPRs).

Cuban/Haitian entrants.

COFA citizens.

This reinforces the 5-year bar for qualified immigrants like CNMI long-term residents but does not exclude them entirely (unlike temporary nonimmigrants). A 120-day variance exclusion period ended November 1, 2025, requiring full enforcement for new/renewal applications. Ongoing cases are reviewed at recertification.

3. Specific Eligibility for CNMI Long-Term Resident Holders

Yes, Eligible as Qualified Immigrants: USCIS classifies this status as providing "lawful permanent residence" for public benefits purposes under PRWORA (8 U.S.C. § 1641). Thus:

They can apply for NAP after 5 years from the date of obtaining CNMI long-term status (or from an earlier qualifying status, like parole).

No immigrant visa is needed, but they must provide proof of status (e.g., I-955 approval notice or EAD) via USCIS verification systems like SAVE (Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements).

Household proration applies: If mixed-status (e.g., with U.S.-citizen children), benefits are calculated only for eligible members, but the long-term resident's income counts toward household tests.

Post-November 1, 2025 Impact: For applications/recertifications after this date, DCCA must verify status and apply the 5-year rule strictly. Early implementers faced no variances; full compliance is now mandatory to avoid federal penalties.

Income/Resource Tests: Regardless of status, gross income ≤130% FPL (~$40,182/year for a family of 4 in 2025), net ≤100% FPL, assets ≤$2,750 (with vehicle exemptions). Work requirements apply for able-bodied adults (18–59).

4. Exceptions and Edge Cases

If "Long-Term Visa" Means E-2C Investor: This is a nonimmigrant status for pre-2009 investors (renewable through 2029). Holders are ineligible for NAP, as they are not qualified immigrants—similar to other temporary visas (e.g., H-1B). They may qualify for other visas leading to LPR status.

Exemptions to 5-Year Bar: Rare for this group, but possible if the holder is a refugee/asylee, trafficking victim, or has 40 qualifying work quarters (10 years) under Social Security.

Dependents: Spouses/children under derivative status (e.g., via CW-2 or E-2C) inherit the primary holder's eligibility.

FAS/COFA Migrants: If the long-term resident is from the Freely Associated States, they may bypass the 5-year bar under territorial options.

Denials/Appeals: Ineligible if status lapses (e.g., unredeemed EAD) or if inadmissible under INA grounds (e.g., criminal history).

5. How to Confirm or Apply

Verify Status: Use USCIS Form I-955 approval or EAD (Category "C26" for CNMI long-term). Check via SAVE at dcca.gov.mp/nap or call DCCA NAP office (670-664-1700).

Apply: Submit NAP application via cnminap.gov.mp or in-person at DCCA offices. Provide immigration docs, proof of income/residency, and CNMI address.

Resources:

USDA FNS NAP Summary: fns.usda.gov/nap/cnmi-nutrition-assistance-program-summary

USCIS CNMI Long-Term Resident Info: uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/cnmi-long-term-resident-status

OBBBA Guidance: fns.usda.gov/snap/obbb-alien-eligibility

For legal advice, contact the Northern Marianas Immigrant Rights Coalition or a USCIS-accredited representative.

In summary, CNMI Long-Term Resident Status holders are eligible for NAP after the 5-year waiting period, treating them like LPRs under 2025 rules. This contrasts with temporary visas like CW-1 or E-2C, which bar access. If your "long-term visa" refers to a specific subcategory (e.g., E-2C), or if you have a mixed household, share more details for precise guidance. As of November 27, 2025, DCCA is processing under full OBBBA enforcement.

$257 Million Vanished in the CNMI – And Delegate King-Hinds Still Says “Federal Intervention Is Not the Answer”

The Greatest Federal Fraud in American History – Per Capita Division

(Expanded Edition – Now With 100% More Existential Dread, Receipts, and a Freshly Updated Fraud Leaderboard Because 2025 Keeps Delivering the Hits)

Chapter 1: Congratulations, CNMI – You Just Beat Every State and Territory in the “Most Federal Money Vanished Per Human Head” Olympics (Now With Bonus Math That Will Ruin Your Day)

CNMI decided one lap around the grift track wasn’t enough – they went for the victory lap while chugging a $257 million margarita. And just when you thought the hangover couldn’t get worse, the feds keep uncovering more skeletons in the mainland’s closet, making the CNMI’s per-capita score look even more like a bad acid trip.

Current estimated population (November 20, 2025): ~47,000 (down from 57,000 a decade ago because even the cockroaches are leaving for Guam, where at least the audits get filed on time).

Confirmed questioned costs from the FY2022 Single Audit (finally released October 15, 2025 after being years late): $257.4 million.

That’s $5,477 per resident. For perspective, if this happened in Wyoming (pop. ~580,000), it’d be $3.3 billion gone poof. But Wyoming at least has cowboys who can track cattle – not so much with missing COVID checks.

To put that in mainland terms: imagine if California (population 39 million) had $214 billion in questioned costs in a single audit. The National Guard would already be in Sacramento, and Elon would be tweeting about seceding to Mars. But in the CNMI? They held a press conference, shrugged, and said “we inherited this mess” while simultaneously implying the last guys did it – which is true, but you’ve had three years, folks.

Three years to find the receipts, or at least print some fakes that look convincing.

The audit wasn’t just bad. Ernst & Young issued a disclaimed opinion – the accounting equivalent of a doctor writing “patient is on fire” on the chart and walking away.

Pacific Island Times (the one outlet that still has a pulse) reported on October 21, 2025 that the Public Auditor stated criminal charges may be forthcoming against officials for misuse of COVID funds.

Marianas Variety’s headline? Something like “Audit Released, Governor Promises Transparency.”

Translation: “Please don’t look too closely, we’re very busy planning the next cultural festival – and by cultural, we mean culturally appropriating federal dollars.”

Per capita, the CNMI didn’t just win gold – they melted down the podium, pawned it for casino chips, and lost those too.

WTH were they thinking?

That the GAO would just send more money with a note saying “try harder next time”?

Chapter 2: A Brief History of “Oops, Where Did the Money Go?” in the CNMI (Now With Actual Timelines So You Can’t Say Nobody Warned You)

1976: Covenant signed. America promises protection and money. CNMI promises self-government and fiscal responsibility.

Narrator voice: They did not, in fact, deliver on that second part. It was like promising to pay rent and then turning the house into a floating casino.

1980s–2000s: Garment factory era. Tom DeLay calls Saipan “a perfect Petri dish of capitalism.” Turns out the Petri dish had forced abortions, indentured servitude, locked fire exits, and Jack Abramoff’s frequent flyer miles. Billions in federal aid funneled through loopholes wider than the Mariana Trench.

2008–2009: Federalization of immigration. Congress says “no more alien labor loophole – CW-1 visas get capped, and we’re watching.” CNMI politicians scream “states’ rights!” while simultaneously begging for federal money to build roads nobody uses. Spoiler: The caps get extended. Again. And again.

2010–2018: Birth tourism boom. Pregnant Russian oligarchs and Chinese entrepreneurs fly in, pop out a U.S. citizen, fly out. Babies get passports; CNMI gets “medical tourism revenue” and a reputation as the maternity ward of the Pacific. Federal funds? Mysteriously diverted to “hospital upgrades” that never happened.

2014–2020: Imperial Pacific International casino. Chinese “investors” promise a $7 billion Vegas-on-Saipan. Deliver one half-finished concrete skeleton, owe $61 million in taxes, $5.6 million in worker wages, and somehow lose $800 million in cash that “fell off a pallet during a typhoon.” FBI raids ensue in 2019. Casino license revoked 2021. Building still sits there like a monument to hubris, occasionally used for paintball.

WTH? A typhoon? On a pallet of cash?

That’s not weather; that’s a script from a bad heist movie.

2020–2022: COVID money arrives like manna from heaven – CARES Act, ARPA, CRF, the works. $257 million later… manna apparently grew legs, a passport, and a one-way ticket to Manila.

Whistleblowers like Zaji Zajradhara (see attached letters) scream about Stafford funds going to non-citizens and overstayers.

Crickets from the Delegate.

October 2025: Audit drops like a lead balloon. Delegate Kimberly King-Hinds posts a video:

“Federal intervention is not the answer… remember what happened with labor and immigration?”

Yes, ma’am, we do remember – the abuse stopped. Wages went up. Locals got jobs.

That was the point. But hey, who needs accountability when you can blame the previous admin in year three of the current one?

Every time the feds loosen oversight, the CNMI treats federal funds like a no-limit credit card at a duty-free shop: swipe for “infrastructure,” get a yacht for the mayor’s cousin. It’s a pattern so predictable, you could set your watch to it – if watches still worked after the last “investment.”

Chapter 3: The Mainland All-Stars – Major Federal Fraud Cases Over $50 Million (2020–November 2025) – Updated With 2025 Updates Because the Grift Never Sleeps

The CNMI is still undefeated per capita, but the mainland tried really hard this year – like that kid in gym class who runs the 100-meter in flip-flops while everyone else is in spikes.

As of November 20, 2025, the DOJ and IRS-CI are still digging through the COVID carcass, with total estimated fraud losses now pegged at hundreds of billions (GAO says up to $400B+, but who’s counting when it’s all gone?).

IRS-CI alone has 2,039 investigations totaling $10B in attempted theft. Impressive? Sure.

But scale it to 47,000 people, and the CNMI’s $257M looks like amateur hour – except it’s not; it’s the pros.

For context, here are the heavyweight contenders the CNMI just body-slammed on a per-person basis. *** (Table updated with the latest DOJ/HHS-OIG takedowns – because nothing says “holiday spirit” like fresh indictments.)

Rank	Case / Scheme	Amount	Year Charged/Settled	Program	Notes
1	2025 National Health Care Fraud Takedown (aggregate)	$14.6 billion alleged losses	2025	Medicare/Medicaid + COVID telehealth	324 defendants across 50 districts; largest healthcare takedown ever – includes addiction treatment scams and fake wound care billing. HHS-OIG called it "historic."
2	Feeding Our Future (Minnesota nonprofit)	$250 million+	2022–2025	Federal Child Nutrition Program (COVID meals)	70+ defendants; claimed to feed phantom children in empty lots. Leader got 18 years; total sentences piling up like uneaten lunches.
3	Employee Retention Credit (ERC) fraud (IRS-CI aggregate)	$10 billion (2,039 investigations)	2020–2025	IRS ERC tax credits	Updated Nov 2025: Broader probes now hit $10B attempted; fake businesses, sham employees. IRS recovered $7B+ so far – but who's got time for audits when Lambos are on sale?
4	Various PPP/EIDL multi-state rings	$100–$300 million each (several)	2021–2025	PPP/EIDL loans	Dozens of cases in FL, CA, TX, NJ; e.g., $93M LA tax credit ring (June 2025, 4 charged). Fugitives fleeing to Dubai with PPP-fueled private jets.
5	Amtrak OIG + DOJ healthcare schemes	$100 million+ (multiple)	2024–2025	COVID-related healthcare billing	Wound care, genetic testing scams; $80M government check fraud ring (6 defendants, fake IDs galore). One stole checks from the mail – because irony is free.
6	Houston-area COVID relief ring	$20–$50 million+ (multiple rings)	2025	PPP	Leaders got 15 years; $24M Maryland accountant scheme (Sept 2025). HSI Houston called it "one of the largest" – until CNMI reminded them what per capita means.

Honorable mentions under $100M but still massive:

California couple who faked 150+ businesses for $20–$30M PPP (then fled to who-knows-where, probably with a tan and a new identity);

Florida man who bought Lambos and a yacht with PPP money (sentenced to 10 years, but the boat’s probably still floating); $50M Ponzi scheme unsealed Sept 2025 (NY, wire fraud galore); and the $50M check-washing ring busted May 2025 (organized crime vibes straight out of a Scorsese flick).

HAVE A PEEK:>>> VIDEO

Total nationwide COVID fraud now estimated at $400 billion+ (GAO April 2025 report: "hundreds of billions lost, true scope unknowable").

The CNMI’s $257 million is only 0.06% of the national total – but on 0.014% of the population.

Do the math. It’s obscene.

It’s like the CNMI entered the Fraud Olympics with a team of one and took home every medal while the U.S. team tripped over its own shoelaces.

WTH were they thinking?

That 47,000 people could hide a quarter-billion better than 330 million?

Chapter 4:

The Greatest Hits – Most Common Federal Charges When Uncle Sam Catches You With His Wallet (Now With Real Sentences So You Know It’s Not Funny When It’s You)

When the feds finally show up – and in 2025, they’re showing up everywhere from telehealth scams to check-washing rings – these are the charges you’ll hear. It’s like a greatest-hits album of bad decisions, remixed with 20-year sentences.

18 U.S.C. § 1343 – Wire Fraud (the GOAT – used in 90%+ of cases): Max 20–30 years if disaster funds involved. See: Feeding Our Future defendants getting 15–20 years for "meals" that never happened.

18 U.S.C. § 1341 – Mail Fraud: Same vibe, but for the old-school envelope crowd.

18 U.S.C. § 1001 – False Statements: Lying on forms? Add 5 years.

18 U.S.C. § 371 – Conspiracy (because nobody grifts alone): 5 years, but stack it with the rest.

18 U.S.C. § 1956/1957 – Money Laundering: Another 20 years, plus forfeit the Lambo.

18 U.S.C. § 641 – Theft of Government Property: Straight-up stealing Uncle Sam’s stuff.

42 U.S.C. § 1320a-7b – False Claims Act (healthcare): Triple damages + $27k per fake claim.

18 U.S.C. § 1347 – Health Care Fraud: 10 years per count; see the 2025 takedown.

18 U.S.C. § 1962 – RICO (when it’s really organized): Racketeering charges for the pros.

Real cases, real time (fresh off the 2025 docket):

Florida woman – 14 years for $190M COVID healthcare fraud (telehealth ghost patients).

California couple – 12–15 years for $80M Ponzi + fake PPP businesses (fled, but got extradited).

Minnesota nonprofit exec – 18 years, $47 million restitution (phantom kids got expensive).

Houston ring leader – 15 years for $50M PPP (bought a fleet of trucks he didn’t need).

Maryland accountant – 10 years for $24M COVID loans (Sept 2025 sentencing).

Imagine being the CNMI official who approved payments with no receipts, knowing the feds just gave someone 18 years for less.

Or the Tan Holdings exec accused of CW-1 ghost employees (see attached petition). Sleep well? Only if your pillow’s stuffed with laundered cash.

Chapter 5:

Why the CNMI’s Block Grant Designation Should Be Terminated Yesterday (Now With Actual Federal Precedent)

Block grants are supposed to go to governments that have demonstrated fiscal responsibility – like handing car keys to a sober driver.

The CNMI has demonstrated the opposite for four straight decades: drunk, speeding, and blasting “Highway to Hell.”

Reasons to pull the plug, expanded with 2025 receipts:

Repeated “disclaimed” or “qualified” audit opinions since the 1990s (latest: FY2022 full disclaimer).

$257M in questioned costs on a $300M annual budget = basically the entire local revenue stream vanished into “procurement weaknesses” and “sub-recipient monitoring failures.”

History of losing federal oversight → immediate return to abuse (see garment factories pre-2009, IPI casino post-2014). When DOI OIG tightened casino reins in 2020, collections improved – slightly.

Now? Back to square one.

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https://www.cnmiga.org/post/broken-borders-broken-promises-the-fight-for-u-s-workers-in-america-s-pacific-frontier

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Documented foreign influence (PRC-linked investors via IPI/Tan Holdings; whistleblowers allege policy control – see attached letters to Westerman/Graves).

To The Honorable Bruce Westerman.pdf

Download PDF • 196KB

Inability to produce basic documentation for hundreds of millions in federal awards (CARES: $11M repayment demanded Oct 2025).

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SAME "FAMILY-BASED" CORRUPTION aka:

Pacific Arc of Prosperity A Free Trade Zone Strategy for the CNMI_ Guam_ American Samoa_ a.

Download • 735KB

PHONE MONITOR SYSTEM- NOTHING NEW.pdf

Download PDF • 315KB

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Active discouragement of federal intervention by elected officials (Delegate King-Hinds’ Oct 2025 video: “We can hold ourselves accountable” – after three years of trying and failing).

Federal precedent screams for action:

Puerto Rico – fiscal control board since 2016 after $70B debt.

American Samoa – heightened oversight post-audits.

Virgin Islands – repeated failures → grant freezes.

CNMI? Still getting block grants like a teenager with dad’s Amex and no curfew, even after GAO warnings since 1990s (latest: GAO-25-107560 on debt).

Delegate King-Hinds bragged in her Sept 2025 newsletter about $250k in “technical assistance” to fix audits they keep failing.

That’s like giving a pyromaniac a grant to buy better matches – and expecting the house not to burn down again. WTH?

The Covenant allows intervention; it’s past time.

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covenant-to-corruption-_Public_share.pdf

Download PDF • 559KB

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Chapter 6:

Why FinCEN, IRS-CI, FBI, DIA, OFAC, and Every Three-Letter Agency With a Badge Should Take Over CNMI Federal Funds Right Now (Expanded With Actual Recommendations)

Because “local control” in the CNMI currently means “control by whichever foreign investor bought the last governor a Rolex” – and in 2025, with PRC tensions boiling, that’s not just funny; it’s a national security clown show.

Documented issues from attached docs and open sources:

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https://www.cnmiga.org/post/cnmi-delegate-elect-s-platform-under-scrutiny-an-america-first-analysis

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Tan Holdings accused of systemic CW-1 fraud, ghost employees, discrimination against U.S. workers (July 2025 multi-agency petition to ACUS/DHS/DOL).

Willy Tan simultaneously running companies and advising government on “stronger economic ties with Fujian, China” (Marianas Variety, 2021 – but still relevant).

Imperial Pacific investors vanished to Cambodia post-2021 collapse (FBI probes ongoing).

Birth tourism networks quietly rebooting (whistleblower letters cite Stafford funds to “Chinese baby tourists”).

$11M CARES repayment demand (Oct 2025), part of broader $257M mess.

This isn’t just theft. It’s national security money laundering with extra steps – transnational wires to Philippines/China, per audits.

DIA should care: First Island Chain outpost compromised by alleged CCP puppets? That’s a Guam vulnerability waiting to happen.

FinCEN/OFAC: Follow the offshore trails (GAO-22-105271 flags workforce foreign ties).

IRS-CI: Nobody files taxes on grants since 1987.

FBI: White-Collar Task Force already sniffing (per Norita’s Oct presser).

The solution, step-by-step (because apparently they need a flowchart):

REST IN ✌

Immediate forensic audit by Treasury/OIG – trace every dollar from 2020-2025.

All federal funds on reimbursement-only basis (no more blank checks).

Federal receiver for any grant over $10M (precedent: PR control board).

Criminal referrals for every missing receipt (start with CARES).

DIA intel review of foreign investor influence (Tan Holdings, IPI ghosts).

Anything less is malpractice.

And with 2025’s mainland busts showing feds mean business, why let CNMI play catch-up alone? Take the keys, folks – before the yacht sails without you.

WAKE UP....

Chapter 7:

The CNMI Media Circus – Where “Investigative Journalism” Means Copy-Pasting the Governor’s Press Release and Calling It a Day (2025 Edition: Even Thinner Than Before)

Is it funny?

In the way a clown car full of foreign nationals on expired visas crashing into a federal courthouse while waving tiny American flags they bought at the swap meet is funny – yes.

Darkly, existentially, want-to-drink-bleach funny. But mostly, it’s just sad, like watching a kid fail a test he didn’t study for and then blame the pencil.

And now, as of November 2025, the circus tent is basically empty.

Saipan Tribune? Dead. Buried. Ceased operations December 31, 2024 after 30+ years. And good riddance – because all that paper ever did was big up Chi-na.

Every casino press release from Imperial Pacific got front-page treatment like it was the Second Coming.

Every Tan Holdings ribbon-cutting was treated like the moon landing.

Meanwhile, unpaid workers, visa fraud, money laundering? Crickets, or buried on page 17 next to the classifieds for poker tournaments.

The Tribune died still pretending the half-built casino skeleton was “economic hope” instead of a quarter-billion-dollar crime scene.

Marianas Variety? Still limping along, somehow, printing the same government press releases in 2025 that they printed in 1995.

Same layout, same excuses, same refusal to ask why $257 million vanished.

They’ll run a full-page ad from Tan Holdings on Monday and a soft-focus “community leader” profile on Wednesday.

Investigative journalism score: 0/10.

Critical thinking score: did they ever take the class?

Then there’s the new kid on the block – Marianas Press, founded by Thomas “News? What’s News?” Mangloña II.

This Obama Leader, this college instructor, this self-proclaimed savior of CNMI journalism who just celebrated his outlet’s one-year anniversary like he cured cancer. Cute website, nice headshot, lots of “exclusive interviews” that are softer than overcooked lumpia.

But ask yourself: how does a guy graduate college, get all these fancy fellowships, and still produce content that reads like it was written by the governor’s intern?

Did they offer “Critical Thinking 101” at Northern Marianas College the year he went, or was it replaced with “Yellow Journalism: How to Spot It, How to Do It”?

Because brother, you’re doing it. Every “scoop” is just another administration talking point gift-wrapped in hashtags.

And don’t get me started on NMI News Service – the all-digital, all-apologist, all-the-time “news” outlet that exists solely to regurgitate whatever press release the current administration farts out that morning.

“Good Morning Marianas!” followed by a 30-minute puff piece on how austerity measures are “really working this time.”

Lapdog doesn’t even begin to cover it. This is the kind of outlet that would report on the Titanic sinking with the headline “Ship Experiences Minor Water Feature, Captain Remains Optimistic.”

These are the same “journalists” – mostly long-term visa holders who gamed the CW system, had anchor babies, or married their way to green cards – who lecture actual Americans about “local control” while never having lived a single winter in the real United States.

They’ve never paid mainland federal income taxes, never felt real patriotism, never understood why taxpayers in Ohio are furious that their money bought someone’s cousin a new truck.

To them, “America” is just the ATM that keeps spitting out cash no matter how many times you kick it.

When the audit dropped, did any of them demand answers?

Did they chain themselves to the governor’s gate? Hell no.

They ran the press conference transcript, added a stock photo of Tracy Norita looking “deeply concerned,” and called it a day.

Pacific Island Times remains the only outlet still doing real journalism – Bryan Manzanarez deserves a medal, a raise, and federal protection.

The rest? They’re not journalists.

They’re propaganda interns who learned the trade from reading each other’s Facebook posts.

They’ve never felt what actual American patriotism feels like – the kind that boils your blood when you see $257 million stolen while veterans sleep on sidewalks in Los Angeles.

They think patriotism is a flag filter on their profile pic and never, ever asking why the money always disappears toward Manila or Fujian.

It’s not funny anymore.

Actually, it is – in the most tragic, infuriating way possible.

Because while the mainland press is getting gutted and fighting for survival, the CNMI “media class” of 2025 is a handful of administration cheerleaders pretending a quarter-billion-dollar theft is just a “paperwork issue.”

Congratulations, CNMI press corps – you didn’t just play yourselves.

You helped steal Christmas. And Thanksgiving. And every other paycheck the rest of America earned.

Now pass the bleach.

Final Thoughts

America spent $4+ trillion saving itself from COVID.

Most of it worked – vaccines, stimulus checks, the works.

Some of it walked out the door and took a first-class flight to Dubai, or in CNMI’s case, a cargo ship to Fujian.

In the CNMI, they didn’t even bother with the middleman – they just loaded the money straight onto the yacht labeled “Campaign Contributions & Mystery Construction Projects.”

With 2025’s mainland busts showing no mercy (18-year sentences for fake kids? Yikes), it’s time for the grown-ups to take the car keys.

Because the rest of America is tired of paying for the CNMI’s joyrides – especially when the destination is “Anywhere But Accountability.”

Sincerely,

Every taxpayer who just watched $5,477 of their money disappear somewhere between Capitol Hill and a Manila bank account.

(And if you’re reading this in the CNMI, start printing receipts.)

The feds are coming.

About the Author

Zaji “Persona Non Grata” Zajradhara is a staunch advocate for American workers and indigenous rights in the CNMI. Labeled a “persona non grata” by the CNMI government for his relentless pursuit of justice and his outspoken criticism of corruption and foreign influence, Zajradhara has become a symbol of resistance against the forces seeking to undermine American sovereignty in the islands.

As An Unemployed Afro-American resident and father, Zajradhara's firsthand experience with the CNMI’s dysfunctional labor market, its rigged political system, and the exploitation of vulnerable communities has fueled his activism. He has filed numerous legal claims against companies, including Tan Holdings, for violating labor laws and discriminating against American workers.

His unwavering commitment to exposing the truth, challenging the status quo, and demanding accountability has made him a thorn in the side of the CNMI establishment and a target of their efforts to silence him. However, Zajradhara remains undeterred, determined to fight for the rights of American workers and to protect the CNMI from the grip of foreign influence.