Anchor Babies & Land Grabs: How Birth Tourism Is Quietly Re-Colonizing the Marianas
- CNMIGA .ORG
- 6 days ago
- 8 min read
The term "Northern Marianas Descent" (NMD) originated in the 1970s as a protective mechanism for the indigenous Carolinian and Chuukese peoples of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) during negotiations for U.S. commonwealth status.
Rooted in the islands' colonial history—spanning Spanish (1668–1899), German (1899–1914), Japanese (1914–1944), and U.S. Trust Territory (1947–1986) administrations—the term was crafted to safeguard land rights amid fears of economic domination by outsiders following World War II.
With a limited land base of approximately 184 square miles, indigenous leaders sought to prevent historical patterns of dispossession seen under prior colonial powers, where land was seized for plantations, military bases, or foreign settlement.
The NMD definition, requiring at least one-quarter Carolinian and Chuukese blood quantum, drew from U.S. federal policies on Native American identity but was adapted to emphasize political sovereignty and cultural preservation rather than racial exclusion.
Initially, NMD served as a bulwark against land alienation, restricting ownership and long-term leases (initially 25 years, extended to 55 by 1989) to qualified individuals to foster economic self-sufficiency and protect ancestral lands.
This framework was intended to ensure that the indigenous population retained control over their finite resources, allowing them to build a sustainable future without the threat of external takeover that had plagued their history.
Over time, however, demographic shifts driven by immigration, guest worker programs, and especially birth tourism have transformed its application.
What began as a tool for indigenous empowerment is now criticized for enabling indirect dispossession through blood quantum dilution via intermarriage, adoption loopholes (where children adopted before age 18 can inherit qualifying ancestry), and the influx of U.S. citizen "anchor babies" born to non-indigenous parents.
These children gain full U.S. citizenship under jus soli but lack automatic NMD status—yet their future marriages or family ties can integrate non-indigenous lines into qualifying descent, allowing indirect access to restricted land through mixed descendants, family corporations, or economic pressure on indigenous owners.
This evolution MIS-aligns with a pro-America first perspective, prioritizing the protection of U.S. territorial integrity and indigenous rights against foreign exploitation, such as Chinese birth tourism, which exploits U.S. birthright citizenship to establish long-term footholds on American soil.
As the CNMI grapples with these changes, the original intent of NMD—to shield blood quantum indigenous islanders from disenfranchisement—has been undermined, leading to a situation where the very mechanism designed for protection now facilitates a subtle form of re-colonization through demographic engineering.
Who Coined the Term "NMD"?
The term emerged from collaborative efforts during the 1972–1975 Covenant negotiations between the Marianas Political Status Commission (MPSC), representing indigenous Chuukese and Carolinian interests, and U.S. delegates under Ambassador F. Haydn Williams. Indigenous leaders, including key figures like Edward DLG Pangelinan and Vicente N. Santos, advocated for NMD to counter potential land grabs by Japanese, Korean, Chinese, and U.S. investors, echoing concerns from the Trust Territory era.
It was refined by the 1976 CNMI Constitutional Convention's 39 delegates, particularly the Committee on Personal Rights and Natural Resources, who embedded it in Article XII to define eligibility for land ownership.
This was not a U.S.-imposed construct but a locally driven adaptation of federal models, such as those for Native American tribes, to assert self-determination.
The framers envisioned NMD as a lasting safeguard, ensuring that the islands' limited land remained in the hands of those with deep ancestral ties, thereby preserving cultural heritage and preventing the kind of exploitation that had occurred under previous colonial regimes.
When It Was Voted Upon in the CNMI
NMD was first endorsed in the Covenant, approved by the Mariana Islands District Legislature on February 20, 1975, and ratified by CNMI voters in a June 17, 1975, plebiscite (78.8% yes, 95% turnout). The CNMI Constitution, incorporating NMD in Article XII, was voter-approved on March 6, 1977.
Amendments to land rules under Article XII are restricted to NMD voters only, per a 1999 change via Public Law 17-40 (2011). A 2007 referendum to reduce quantum to "some degree" failed among NMD voters, highlighting ongoing debates over inclusivity versus protection.
These democratic processes underscored the community's commitment to maintaining indigenous control, yet they also set the stage for future challenges as external pressures mounted.
First Legal Use of the Term
NMD debuted in the Covenant (Section 805, signed February 15, 1975), permitting land restrictions to NMD persons. Codified in the CNMI Constitution (Article XII, effective January 9, 1978), it gained U.S. approval via Public Law 94-241 (March 24, 1976), fully effective in 1986 post-Trusteeship.
Enforcement began with the 2011 Northern Marianas Descent Registry for verification.
This legal foundation was meant to be ironclad, but evolving immigration dynamics have tested its resilience.
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Shift from Protection to Dispossession: Utilization by Non-Indigenous Groups and Impacts on "Blood Quantum" Indigenous Islanders
Originally, NMD protected indigenous land rights by barring non-NMD from owning or leasing land long-term (>55 years), countering exploitation amid CNMI's small size and history of colonial land loss.
U.S. courts upheld it as political sovereignty, akin to Native American protections, not racial discrimination. However, demographic pressures from immigration and birth tourism have inverted its purpose, facilitating indirect dispossession of "blood quantum" indigenous islanders—those meeting the one-quarter threshold.
The rampant visa overstays by Chinese and Filipino nationals have exacerbated this issue, as many enter under guest worker or tourism visas only to remain illegally and establish families, often giving birth to children who serve as anchors for further immigration and potential integration into NMD lineages.
CNMI's population has shifted dramatically:
The 2020 Census recorded 47,329 residents, with Asians at 46.6% (Filipinos the largest at ~35.3% or 15,456 alone, Chinese 6.8%), outnumbering indigenous Chamorros (23.9%) and Carolinians (4.6%).
This influx includes overstays: DHS/CBP reports highlight territorial overstays, with CNMI's unique pre-2009 immigration allowing easy entry for workers from China and the Philippines. USCIS data notes phased U.S. immigration application post-2008 CNRA, but overstays persist amid guest worker programs.
For instance, the Guam-CNMI Visa Waiver Program has been criticized for enabling Chinese nationals to overstay, with Republican senators in 2026 urging its revocation due to national security risks, including birth tourism and potential chain migration.
Similarly, Filipinos, often entering as contract workers, have been noted for mid-level overstay rates in some reports, but their large presence contributes to demographic pressures, with some overstaying to birth children who gain U.S. citizenship, further straining local resources.
Birth tourism exacerbates this:
CNMI birth records from the Commonwealth Healthcare Corporation (CHCC) show Chinese births surging from 8 in 2009 to 282 in 2012 (a 3,000% rise), peaking at over 500/year in 2017-2018 (nearly 600 in 2018, often exceeding indigenous births), totaling ~3,300 since 2009.
In 2012 alone, Chinese tourist births (356) surpassed indigenous (295), with Filipinos contributing 216.
These "anchor babies" gain U.S. citizenship but not NMD—yet through future marriage, adoption under 18, or family strategies, they dilute bloodlines, enabling non-indigenous access to land via mixed descendants or corporate fronts.
DHS/ICE/CBP data on overstays and USCIS on CNMI immigration underscore vulnerabilities. Birth tourism dropped post-pandemic and reforms (e.g., 55 Chinese in 2024), but persisted into 2025-2026, with the first baby of 2025 born to a Shanghai tourist, renewing concerns.
Recent 2024-2026 developments include Republican senators urging revocation of visa waiver programs like EVS-TAP (implemented 2025), citing national security risks from potential chain migration and exploitation by CCP-linked interests.
For Filipinos, while less prominent in birth tourism statistics, their overstays as guest workers often lead to family formation, with children born in the CNMI becoming U.S. citizens and potentially anchoring pathways to residency, further altering the ethnic balance.
This dispossesses indigenous by eroding cultural control, pressuring sales/leases amid economic strain (e.g., higher Medicaid rates straining local resources).
A pro-America first stance supports reevaluating jus soli in territories to prevent foreign exploitation, bolstering indigenous sovereignty as core to American values.
Compounding these demographic shifts is the CNMI's receipt of extensive federal aid, which has been squandered through mismanagement and corruption, enriching a select few while leaving everyday residents to suffer.
From 2020 to 2026, the CNMI has been afforded every possible financial incentive, aid package, and federal dollar imaginable, including billions from CARES Act, American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), and other pandemic relief funds, as well as ongoing support for infrastructure, healthcare, and economic development.
Yet, federal auditors have identified nearly $335 million in questionable costs ( *so, far) through fiscal year 2022 alone, with an additional $11.1 million in CARES Act funds flagged for potential repayment due to procurement failures, unauthorized expenditures, and outright abuse.
Programs like the BOOST initiative, intended to stimulate local businesses with federal grants, have been marred by scams where funds were diverted through fake businesses, political favoritism, and personal enrichment schemes, leading to investigations by the FBI and local authorities.
High-profile cases, such as the indictment of the lieutenant governor and other officials for misusing public funds from Rota, illustrate how federal dollars meant for community recovery have instead lined the pockets of elites, their families, friends, and business associates.
This corruption has persisted into 2026, with ongoing probes into the Torres administration's handling of $17 million in "BOOST" pandemic funds, revealing a pattern of negligence, waste, and fraud that has deepened the financial crisis.
While these insiders have enriched themselves—through lavish spending, crony contracts, and ties to foreign interests like Chinese-linked casinos—everyday "real Americans," meaning the long-term indigenous and resident U.S. citizens who are not imported "insta-backdoor CNMI green card Americans," continue to suffer profound hardships.
These genuine stakeholders face crumbling infrastructure, inadequate healthcare overwhelmed by tourist demands, soaring living costs, and economic stagnation, with tourism arrivals projected at only 148,000 for FY 2026, far below the 500,000 needed for sustainability.
Federal aid, which could have alleviated these issues through investments in education, job training, and resilient development, has instead been siphoned off, leaving schools underfunded, hospitals strained, and communities vulnerable to natural disasters without proper support.
The imported population, often arriving via overstays or birth tourism, benefits from backdoor pathways to citizenship and economic opportunities, further marginalizing the indigenous blood quantum holders who see their cultural and land rights eroded.
This disparity highlights a betrayal of the Covenant, where promises of prosperity for all have devolved into a system that privileges outsiders and corrupt insiders at the expense of the islands' true stewards.
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Ethnic Makeup of "NMD"
NMD requires U.S. citizenship/nationality and at least one-quarter Northern Marianas Chamorro, Chuukese or Carolinian blood (or combination).
Chamorros trace ancestry to Spanish/Filipino Micronesian migrations over 4,000 years, blended with colonial influences; Carolinians from 19th-century Caroline Islands migrants.
Full-blooded NMD: Born/domiciled in NMI by 1950 and TTPI citizens pre-1986.
2020 Census: Chamorros ~11,300 (23.9%), Carolinians ~2,200 (4.6%), but NMD applies to qualifiers only, estimated at 28–30% of population (~13,000–14,000), tracked via registries.
Non-NMD groups (Filipinos, Chinese) dominate the CNMI, with birth tourism adding U.S. citizens outside NMD, potentially accelerating dilution.
As of 2026, these trends continue, with advocates calling for reforms to preserve indigenous identity amid ongoing foreign influxes.
About the Author
Zaji “Persona Non Grata” Zajradhara is a staunch advocate for American workers and indigenous rights in the CNMI.
Labeled a “persona non grata” by the CNMI government for his relentless pursuit of justice and his outspoken criticism of corruption and foreign influence, Zajradhara has become a symbol of resistance against the forces seeking to undermine American sovereignty in the islands.
As An Unemployed Afro-American resident and father, Zajradhara's firsthand experience with the CNMI’s dysfunctional labor market, its rigged political system, and the exploitation of vulnerable communities has fueled his activism. He has filed numerous legal claims against companies, including Tan Holdings, for violating labor laws and discriminating against American workers.
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