AMERICA FIRST AT THE PACIFIC GATE: Why the CNMI Must Not Become a Backdoor Into the United States**
- CNMIGA .ORG
- 5 days ago
- 12 min read
Updated: 2 days ago
CHAPTER 1 — THE AMERICA FIRST FRAMEWORK & THE CNMI EXCEPTION PROBLEM
1.1 — The America First Mandate in the Indo-Pacific
The America First philosophy is built on a simple principle: the United States must control who enters, who stays, and who benefits. This mandate—strengthened under President Trump and embraced again in the new national direction—centers on sovereignty, border control, and the elimination of loopholes that globalist policymakers previously allowed to fester.
However, in the far Western Pacific, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) has become the weakest U.S. border. Unlike the mainland, where immigration is visibly debated, the CNMI is tucked away—yet its policies have massive consequences for national security. The CNMI operates under a patchwork of historical exemptions, legacy visa categories, and tourism loopholes that foreign nationals exploit, turning the islands into a soft-entry point for labor migration, visa overstays, fraud, and geostrategic manipulation.
Under an America First lens, no U.S. territory should function as a backdoor into the nation.
Yet that is precisely what has happened.
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1.2 — How the CNMI Became the Weakest U.S. Border
For nearly two decades, the CNMI government has marketed the islands not as American soil, but as a quasi-international travel zone—a hybrid jurisdiction they believed could skirt federal immigration oversight. The local government has repeatedly aligned with foreign business interests rather than U.S. national priorities, lobbying for:
• Special tourism carveouts
• Relaxed visa requirements
• Loopholes that facilitate labor importation
• Programs that encourage repopulation through foreign workers
• Government-backed “tour packages” from nations with high overstay rates
This has resulted in a destination marketed to foreign labor rather than American tourists or U.S. businesses. Instead of courting American Airlines, Delta, United expansions, U.S. cruise lines, or U.S. travel consortiums, the CNMI repeatedly turned instead to labor-exporting nations, particularly the Philippines and China.
The consequence has been predictable: the islands were depopulated of Americans and repopulated by foreign workers who later attempt to use the CNMI as a springboard into the U.S. mainland.
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1.3 — The Rise of Repopulation Schemes Disguised as “Tourism”
The newest push—advocating for mass “tourism” from the Philippines—has nothing to do with tourism. Philippine outbound travel data shows overwhelmingly that approximately 98% of Filipinos traveling abroad do so for employment, not leisure, and their immigration system screens accordingly.
There is no “Philippine leisure tourist class” comparable to Korea, Japan, Australia, or the U.S. Instead, the bulk of outbound travel is tied directly to:
• Work overseas
• Training abroad for work
• Marriage migration
• Family sponsorship
• Job-seeking disguised as short visits
POVERTY RATES IN THE PHILLIPINES REPORT:>>>
In this context, “Philippine tourism” is essentially a labor pipeline, not a vacation industry.
Now, CNMI officials seek U.S. DOT approval for expanded flights, special carveouts, and mass arrivals—while hundreds of millions in federal funds remain unaccounted for.
The proposal is not about building tourism.
It is a repopulation project designed to:
• Replace the declining Chinese labor population
• Provide a new stream of foreign workers
• Create a pseudo-immigration corridor to the U.S.
• Shift demographic balance away from Indigenous and American populations
Under America First, this is unacceptable.
Under basic national-security logic, it is dangerous.
Under any honest assessment, it is transparent.
The CNMI is advertising itself as a loophole.
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CHAPTER 2 — REASON #1: SYSTEMIC OVERSTAY PATTERNS & VISA ABUSE AMONG PHILIPPINE ARRIVALS
2.1 — The Dominant Pattern: Employment Disguised as Tourism
The Philippine government itself openly states that outbound movement is primarily for employment abroad, and their immigration requirements reflect this:
• Proof of bank accounts
• Proof of financial capacity
• Employer certificates
• Overseas Employment Certificate (OEC)
• Work visas
• Sponsor documents
• Affidavits of support
These requirements exist because Filipinos have one of the highest overstay rates globally, particularly in countries where labor demand is high.
When the CNMI invites mass arrivals from a nation where nearly all international travelers are seeking work, not leisure, it manufactures visa overstays.
Filipino visitors repeatedly enter the CNMI on short-term permits, then:
• Seek illegal employment
• Overstay and hide within existing labor networks
• Attempt to marry for immigration benefits
• Present fraudulent medical, educational, or financial documents
• Attempt to transition into CW-1 labor or long-term residency
• Use the CNMI as a stepping-stone to the mainland
This is not theoretical.
This is happening now, at scale.
Read Our Report on the Rampant Visa Fraud In the CNMI: Here>>>
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2.2 — Document Fraud, Degree Fraud, and Identity Manipulation
Philippine outbound migration has long been plagued by document fraud, including:
• Fake university degrees
• Fake certificates
• Fake medical screenings
• Fabricated employment histories
• Identity switching
• Dual or altered birth records
The CNMI has repeatedly seen cases of forged:
• Nursing degrees
• Teaching degrees
• Medical documents
• Caregiver certifications
These fraudulent credentials have enabled thousands to enter the CNMI workforce illegally.
The problem is so common that several Asian countries now automatically distrust Philippine-issued:
• Nursing credentials
• Care worker certifications
• Maritime certifications
• Hospitality training credentials
To invite mass unvetted arrivals into the CNMI—America’s westernmost point of entry—is reckless.
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2.3 — Medical Screening Fraud & Public Health Risk
Medical-screening fraud is widespread within visa-seeking populations, including falsified:
• TB tests
• Vaccination documents
• Health clearances
• Drug tests
Birth tourism from the Philippines into the CNMI, though less publicized than Chinese birth tourism, is increasing, enabled by:
• Fake pregnancy concealment
• Late-term arrival
• False statements at ports of entry
This results in automatic U.S. citizenship for the child, incentivizing the practice.
Without extreme medical vetting, any travel expansion will increase:
• Unfunded medical burdens
• Communicable disease risks
• Birth tourism
• Fraudulent health documentation
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2.4 — Overstay Culture & Why Current Screening Fails
The Philippines has a deeply ingrained overstay culture, visible in every region where they migrate. Work opportunities abroad are seen as a national economic priority, with families often pooling money to send one member overseas—even if it means overstaying.
In the CNMI, overstays are facilitated by:
• Tight-knit Filipino-Chinese business networks
• Cash-based employment
• Informal labor markets
• Willingness of local employers to hire unauthorized labor
• Churches and community groups providing shelter
• Tour operators who function as labor recruiters
The result is a high-probability overstay population.
Current CNMI screening mechanisms—run largely at the local level with minimal federal coordination—are nowhere near sufficient. The CNMI lacks:
• Advanced biometric systems
• Real-time departure confirmation
• Tour-group accountability
• Fraud-document detection
• Cross-agency data integration
• Staffing capacity
• Political will
Under America First, this is indefensible.
Under DHS security requirements, it is a liability.
Under the rule of law, it cannot continue.
READ Our Article on the CNMI AS A SANCTUARY TERRITORY: Here>>>
CHAPTER 3 — REASON #2: THE GEOPOLITICAL RISK OF FILIPINO–CHINESE BUSINESS NETWORKS
3.1 — The Overlooked Reality: Philippine Business Networks and Chinese Capital
Across the Indo-Pacific, Philippine business sectors—construction, hospitality, retail, tourism services, remittances, and maritime industries—operate within dense economic networks heavily financed by Chinese capital. This is not speculation; it is documented across multiple Southeast Asian markets where Chinese investors, intermediaries, and supply chains use Filipino entities as:
• Front businesses
• Labor intermediaries
• Logistics feeders
• Offshore delivery channels
• Retail distribution points
Groups such as the Federation of Filipino Chinese Chambers of Commerce & Industry, Inc. (FFCCCII) and numerous provincial-level Filipino-Chinese business guilds maintain direct ties to Chinese capital flows, trade associations, and political interests.
The issue is not ethnicity.
The issue is geopolitical alignment and economic leverage.
Chinese capital seeking entry into U.S. jurisdictions often routes through third-country business structures, and the Philippines—given its diasporic networks and flexible corporate registration environment—serves as a convenient conduit.
In the CNMI, this intersection becomes a national-security risk. When Filipino labor streams, Filipino-run recruitment networks, and Filipino-Chinese capital structures enter simultaneously, it forms a parallel economy that can bypass U.S. controls.
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3.2 — How These Networks Interface With the CNMI
A major concern for DHS and the national-security apparatus is that many Philippine-based business groups have:
• No allegiance to the U.S.
• Long-standing extractive economic practices
• A strategic interest in controlling island markets
• Ability to embed Chinese supply chains into U.S. territory
• Cross-border capital flows that evade scrutiny
When these actors enter the CNMI, they do not come as tourists—they come as economic operators seeking:
• Market control
• Employment insertion
• Real estate capture
• Labor monopolies
• Political influence through block voting
• Integration with preexisting Chinese networks
The CNMI’s small population makes it disproportionately vulnerable.
A coordinated network of 5,000–10,000 foreign nationals can dominate:
• Hotels
• Restaurants
• Transportation
• Retail
• Housing
• Logistics
• Tourism operations
• Local political structures
98% OF THE CW-1 VISA FOR FILIPINO / CHINESE NATIONS OCCUPY THESE EMPLOYMENT POSITIONS
This is not immigration.
This is strategic economic annexation by proxy.
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3.3 — Why This Threatens U.S. Territorial Security
The CNMI sits 1,500 miles from the Taiwan Strait and has been historically referenced in PLA military planning as a “strategic approach vector.” Any foreign economic network that grows strong enough to influence the CNMI’s:
• Labor market
• Real estate
• Maritime commerce
• Tourism
• Supply chains
• Political institutions
—automatically becomes a potential leverage point for foreign influence, including PRC-aligned actors.
The U.S. cannot allow its westernmost territory to become economically or demographically shaped by foreign networks.
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3.4 — CNMI as a Strategic Infiltration Vector
When Philippine labor streams align with Filipino-Chinese capital, the CNMI becomes:
• A demographic foothold
• A business-entry platform
• A remittance extraction point
• A visa-overstay hub
• A recruitment base
• A supply-chain extension for PRC commercial ambitions
Under America First, the United States must secure its Pacific gateway—not leave it vulnerable to infiltration under the guise of “tourism.”
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CHAPTER 4 — REASON #3: TOURISM AS A COVER FOR LABOR MIGRATION
4.1 — Philippine Government Data: 98% Travel for Work
Philippines Bureau of Immigration statistics show that nearly all outward movement centers on Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) programs. The Philippines’ own travel and immigration rules reflect this: (See*** https://lakbaypinas.com/philippine-immigration-departure-requirements/ )
• Extensive screening
• Financial verification
• Bonds and clearances
• Employer authentication
• Anti–trafficking guidelines
• Exit permits
These systems exist because Filipino travel is work-driven, not leisure-driven.
Thus, the claim that the CNMI wants “tourism” is demonstrably false.
The CNMI is inviting a labor-seeking population, not vacationers.
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4.2 — No Viable Tourism Class
A viable “tourism market” requires:
• A middle class with disposable income
• International travel cultures
• Credit card use
• Long-stay leisure interest
• Repeat-visit patterns
The Philippines’ outbound leisure travel is extremely small compared to Korea, Japan, or Australia. Filipino tourists overwhelmingly choose: (See: ***According to the Department of Tourism, which based the data on the e-travel online app of the Bureau of Immigration, the highest number of Filipino outbound travelers was recorded in June, at 656,544. Outbound travelers refer to tourists and overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) https://www.esquiremag.ph/life/travel/outbound-tourism-filipinos-2024-a7940-20240826 )
• Hong Kong
• Singapore
• Bangkok
• Malaysia
Not remote Pacific islands.
There is no natural tourism market from the Philippines that would sustain CNMI flights without converting those travelers into workers or overstayers.
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4.3 — How Tour Groups Function as Labor Brokers
Tour operators in the Philippines often double as:
• Informal recruitment agencies
• Visa coaches
• Pre-arranged employer matchers
• Document processors
• Labor traffickers
(See: From January to April 2025, a total of 2,395,295 Filipinos traveled abroad. Hong Kong - SAR was the most popular destination for Philippine residents, with 316,239 travelers, accounting for 13.20 percent of total outbound volume. Japan followed closely with 290,698 travelers (12.14 percent) and Singapore ranked third with 233,856 travelers (9.76 percent). Other top destinations included Taiwan (184,690 travelers), United Arab Emirates (154,317 travelers), and Thailand (150,183 travelers). Also included in the list were countries like Saudi Arabia, the US, Vietnam and South Korea *** for employment opportunities. )
In the CNMI, multiple overstays originate from “group tours” where 20–40 individuals arrive, and only 12–18 depart.
Under a legitimate tourism model, this would destroy the operator.
In the CNMI, it is ignored.
Abuse thrives because:
• Tour providers face zero penalties
• No departure enforcement exists
• The CNMI has no biometric departure system
• Local politics protect these operators
An America First framework demands accountability.
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4.4 — Mandating Full Tour Provider Accountability
A proper policy requires:
• Mandatory headcounts at arrival AND departure
• Financial penalties for missing passengers
• Suspension or banning of tour providers with overstay incidents
• Revocation of flight access for airlines repeatedly ferrying non-returning groups
• Joint DHS–DOT enforcement for all carriers
• Mandatory return tickets tied to electronic exit verification
If a tour operator delivers 200 tourists but 50 do not leave, the operator must lose access immediately.
No tourism industry in the world allows mass disappearance of its “visitors.”
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CHAPTER 5 — REASON #4: CREATING A WATERTIGHT ENTRY/EXIT SYSTEM
5.1 — Mandatory Boarding Headcounts
All CNMI-bound airlines must implement:
• Digital manifests
• Pre-boarding facial recognition
• Seat-assigned verification
• Cross-checked departure lists
If 168 passengers arrive, 168 must depart. Period.
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5.2 — Denial of Departure for Missing Tour Passengers
If even one tour-group passenger is missing, the entire group must be held temporarily until:
• The missing individual is located
• The operator provides a verified explanation
• Enforcement agencies determine whether fraud occurred
This is standard in many countries.
It must be standard in American territory.
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5.3 — Automatic Lifetime Ban for Overstayers
Anyone who overstays a CNMI visa or entry permit should receive:
• Lifetime ban from CNMI
• Lifetime ban from Guam
• Lifetime ban from the U.S. mainland
Anything less invites abuse.
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5.4 — DOT Must Reject CNMI Carveouts
The CNMI has repeatedly sought special exceptions in air travel regulation to:
• Add undocumented flights
• Add pseudo-charter operations
• Import mass tourists from labor-export nations
• Lower safety oversight
DOT must deny all requests until:
• Fraud stops
• Overstay controls are implemented
• U.S. carriers are invited first
• CNMI tax systems are transparent
• Federal funds are accounted for
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5.5 — DHS, CBP, ICE, and USCIS Must Share Data
The CNMI cannot continue operating a fragmented mini-immigration zone.
Data must integrate with:
• U.S. mainland systems
• Guam
• U.S. ports of entry
• Visa overstay tracking
• Fraud detection systems
• Biometric databases
The era of CNMI exceptionalism is over.
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CHAPTER 6 — REASONS #5–7 COMBINED
Reason 5: Anti-Chain Migration & Marriage Fraud Prevention
Marriage fraud is one of the most common pathways used by CNMI overstayers.
Policies must include:
• Mandatory 2-year residency requirement before marriage permits
• Mandatory DHS interviews
• Mandatory financial audits of sponsoring partners
• Criminal penalties for sham marriages
• No recognition of CNMI-based marriages for U.S. mainland immigration
Chain migration stops here.
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Reason 6: No Work, Business, or Commercial Activity Allowed
CNMI visitor entries must include:
• Zero employment privileges
• Zero business privileges
• Zero self-employment privileges
• Zero “volunteer work” loopholes
• Zero trade or commercial operations
Violators must be deported and blacklisted.
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Reason 7: Extreme Medical, Educational, and Financial Vetting
Before arrival, visitors must show:
• Medical screening
• Proof of clean vaccination status
• Proof of financial solvency
• Proof of substantial bank accounts
• Proof of return sponsorship
• Education credential verification
Without this, the CNMI becomes a public-health and financial liability.
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CHAPTER 7 — CONCLUSION: ENDING THE BACKDOOR STRATEGY
The CNMI has attempted to position itself as a mini foreign immigration zone inside U.S. borders.
This violates the spirit of America First, threatens national security, and undermines the U.S. Indo-Pacific posture.
The United States must shut down every loophole:
• Overstays
• Fraud
• Labor migration disguised as tourism
• Marriage fraud
• Birth tourism
• Parallel Filipino–Chinese business networks
• Repopulation schemes
• DOT aviation carveouts
America First demands that U.S. territory be governed by U.S. national interest, not foreign labor supply chains or globalist political agendas.
The CNMI must never again be used as a backdoor into the United States.
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About the Author
Zaji “Persona Non Grata” Zajradhara is a staunch advocate for American workers and indigenous rights in the CNMI. Labeled a “persona non grata” by the CNMI government for his relentless pursuit of justice and his outspoken criticism of corruption and foreign influence, Zajradhara has become a symbol of resistance against the forces seeking to undermine American sovereignty in the islands.
As An Unemployed Afro-American resident and father, Zajradhara's firsthand experience with the CNMI’s dysfunctional labor market, its rigged political system, and the exploitation of vulnerable communities has fueled his activism. He has filed numerous legal claims against companies, including Tan Holdings, for violating labor laws and discriminating against American workers.
His unwavering commitment to exposing the truth, challenging the status quo, and demanding accountability has made him a thorn in the side of the CNMI establishment and a target of their efforts to silence him. However, Zajradhara remains undeterred, determined to fight for the rights of American workers and to protect the CNMI from the grip of foreign influence.
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